Fallece Harry Patch, el último combatiente británico de la Primera Guerra Mundial

Harry Patch, el último soldado británico que había luchado en las trincheras de la Primera Guerra Mundial, ha muerto. En 1917 un proyectil estuvo apunto de matarle pero sobrevivió. Años más tarde participaría, también, en la Segunda Guerra Mundial.

Ya empiezan a quedar sólo los museos y la memoria escrita de otros... aquí va una muestra

http://www.pbs.org/greatwar/

El rey de los 80

Recuerdo perfectamente cuando mi amigo Enrique Martí me enseñó el vinilo que se acabada de comprar con la paga del fin de semana: Billie Jean de Michael Jackson.

MJ revolucionó el pop y el vídeo musical.

Un ídolo para todos nosotros. Una estrella en todos los sentidos. El rey de los 80.

Para que todos se enteren...

http://www.eitb.com/noticias/politica/detalle/176148/lopez-vamos-dar-policia-medios-necesiten-acabar-eta/

Dicho lo anterior...HELLO GOOD PEOPLE!!

Sesudo análisis político...

... del "conflicto" de los cojones.

Que se pudran en su étnica visión del mundo

Mahmud vuelve a ganar

Irán, estado pivote en el gran oriente medio, parece haberse decantado por el patrioterismo grisáceo de Mahmud y sus soflamas teocraticopatológicas.

Muchachada Nui lo describió a la perfección... con esos ojillos..

Un español clave en el día D

Obama recuerda a los fallecidos en Normandía en el 65 aniversario del día que "cambió el destino del siglo XX"

Y un español, Juan Pujol alias Garbo, lo hizo posible.

http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan_Pujol_(Garbo)

Bienvenido, presidente

JORGE SEMPRÚN 06/06/2009 EL PAÍS

El 11 de abril de 1945, mientras los batallones de choque del III Ejército norteamericano de George Patton desbarataban la resistencia de la división SS Totenkopf, en las inmediaciones de Buchenwald, y proseguían su avance hacia Weimar, un jeep tripulado por dos hombres se dirigía hacia la entrada monumental del campo de concentración propiamente dicho.

Al desembocar en un tramo de autovía, los dos estadounidenses (no me resisto a dar sus nombres enseguida: Egon W. Fleck y Edward A. Tenenbaum. ¡Estupenda ironía de la historia, memorable revancha: dos judíos norteamericanos, de filiación germánica, son los primeros en penetrar en el recinto alambrado del campo de concentración nazi!), los dos norteamericanos, pues, descubren de pronto "a miles de hombres harapientos, de aspecto famélico (hungry looking men), marchando hacia el Este en destacamentos de combate, armados, disciplinados, encuadrados por sus jefes... Eran los deportados de Buchenwald, dispuestos a luchar...".

Estas líneas figuran en el informe que Fleck y Tenenbaum -no me cansaré de repetir sus nombres- redactan para el alto mando, días después, el 24 de abril. Informe sin duda olvidado, y que resulta oportuno rescatar hoy, día de la visita a Buchenwald del presidente Barack Obama, y que, en cualquier caso, puede consultarse en el Archivo Histórico Nacional de EE UU, bajo las siglas RG 331, SHAEF G5, carpeta 10: Buchenwald, a preliminary report.

Este informe, por muy preliminar que sea, viene a zanjar una antigua discusión de la época de la Guerra Fría, a veces enconada, sobre la realidad de la insurrección armada de Buchenwald. Testigos imparciales, Fleck y Tenenbaum acreditan dicha realidad. Pueden decir, como Francisco de Goya: Yo lo vi...

Es cierto que la propaganda de la Alemania del Este ha presentado durante años una versión mitificada de la liberación de Buchenwald, en la cual se minimizaba, por no decir que se ocultaba totalmente, el papel decisivo del Ejército estadounidense. En realidad, la insurrección armada -preparada durante años de difícil trabajo clandestino; organizada en torno a un núcleo de combatientes antifascistas de la guerra de España, ¡qué novela, señor mío, qué novela!- sólo fue posible porque los soldados de Patton ya habían derrotado a las tropas de las SS, pero tuvo, sin embargo, un valor político y simbólico excepcional. Buena prueba de ello son las frases de sorpresa admirativa de Fleck y Tenenbaum en su citado informe.

Observadores atentos, los dos norteamericanos describen el armamento de los deportados. Some platoons carried German rifles. Some platoons had panzerfausts on their shoulders... Y es sin duda significativo que utilicen, aunque escriban lógicamente su informe en inglés, la palabra alemana para nombrar el bazooka, en la columna armada que descubren los dos norteamericanos.

En su informe, después de describir nuestro armamento -ya puedo hablar en primera persona; ya existo como portador de bazooka, o de panzerfaust (puño antitanque, literalmente) si se prefiere la expresión alemana, puesto que española no hay; ya me ha dado existencia, aunque sólo sea colectiva, genérica, sin distinguirme como individuo, la mirada de los dos norteamericanos-, Fleck y Tenenbaum dicen algo singular, al hablar de los deportados en armas, al hablar de nosotros. They laughed and waved wildly as they walked. O sea, que nos reíamos y gesticulábamos de alegría, al marchar en armas hacia Weimar.

Pues no me extraña. Naturalmente que estábamos alegres, en la gloria de la libertad, de la dignidad reconquistadas. Hambrientos, harapientos, pero vivos, en armas, cantando las canciones revolucionarias de la vieja Europa, en todos los idiomas de la vieja Europa. Y algunas de ellas, las de nuestra guerra, Los cuatro generales, ¡Ay Carmela!, cantadas en varios idiomas a la vez.

Sin duda es un gran acierto, prueba de buen talante y talento político, que el presidente Barack Obama, después del fundamental discurso de El Cairo, comience su viaje a Europa con una visita a Buchenwald. En el momento en que buena parte de sus iniciativas se desmarcan de la política nefasta de su predecesor, y la desmontan estratégicamente, no parece inútil recordar los valores democráticos, generosos, que encarnaron en 1945 los soldados del Ejército de EE UU: los afroamericanos de los batallones de choque de Patton; los soldaditos hispanos cuyos ojos se llenaban de lágrimas, ante los montones de cadáveres apilados en el recinto del crematorio de Buchenwald, y que rezaban en un melodioso castellano el Padrenuestro; los granjeros del Middlewest que descubrían, a través de una guerra durísima pero justa, la dimensión universalista de la democracia norteamericana.

¡Bienvenido pues a Buchenwald, lugar de memoria europea, memoria de libertad y de lucha, presidente Barack Obama!

cómo se fabrica un líder

A todos nos importa ganar. Después, cada uno elige su camino para lograrlo.
Le llamo Rafael, no me sale Rafa, si lo hiciese así no hablaría exactamente de él, sino de la figura que aparece en los periódicos. Es de buen carácter, una persona dócil y receptiva. Hay otros con sus valores humanos. Al fin y al cabo es un chico muy corriente. Lo único que le distingue del resto es que ha triunfado.
Cuando un árbol se ha torcido es difícil enderezarlo. Desde niño posee una educación normal, como las de antes, conoce unas normas que debe respetar. Con otro entrenador, procedería de la misma manera. Lo consulta todo con sus padres. Es joven y está en formación. Vive con su familia, y pide permiso a sus padres para según qué cosas. Sabe que no puede volver a casa a cualquier hora.
Demasiadas veces todo vale. A quien tiene éxito se le suele consentir todo, las malas formas, los comportamientos poco edificantes. Mi mujer, licenciada en Filología y ex profesora de instituto, se sorprende de cómo la enseñanza se basa en que el alumno apenas deba estudiar, en la ley del mínimo esfuerzo. Vemos demasiado a menudo cosas muy chabacanas, la búsqueda de la gracia inmediata. El cine clásico tenía grandes guionistas, diálogos trabajados. Ahora todo ha de ser ligero, fácil, automático.
A mis padres no les hacía falta decir mucho. Enseñaban con su actitud, con su aplicación en el trabajo. Aprendías pronto que las cosas valían dinero, que debías apagar la luz cuando abandonabas tu cuarto, que debías cuidar los zapatos.
Él no es especial, es una persona como usted o como yo, lo que le convierte en especial es la actividad que desempeña. En mi pueblo hay muchos carpinteros y ebanistas. Se enorgullecen cuando la gente reconoce una mesa o una silla hecha por ellos y se esmeran en hacerlo cada día mejor. Además de disponer de una habilidad natural para esto, tiene una gran predisposición. Desde niño, siempre supo que cada entrenamiento tenía un valor, que cada bola que golpeaba era importante. Esto es un juego, y nada más que eso. Nos movemos en un mundo donde multiplicamos las necesidades. A este paso, nuestros hijos van a precisar de un psicólogo cuando jueguen al escondite y sean descubiertos.
El deporte está lleno de gente que ha triunfado de otra forma. ¿John McEnroe? Le reconozco un gran mérito, pero me molesta que una persona a la que la vida le ha tratado muy bien se muestre insatisfecha e incontrolada y cree mal ejemplo.
Uno de los problemas de los políticos es su miedo a no ser entendidos por la ciudadanía como defensores de un concepto harto discutible de libertad. Lo primero que se debe propagar es la disciplina, el respeto hacia los demás y hacia las cosas y el autocontrol. Esto, que parece tan simple, no se difunde mucho. Hay un exceso de celo en la clase política por quedar bien, el temor a que su discurso sea considerado reacccionario. Yo no me lo considero en absoluto. Existe una confusión muy peligrosa en ese aspecto.
Quisiera que en el colegio primara el esfuerzo, la buena aplicación, el respeto por la figura del profesor, la exigencia, con la obligación de repetir curso cuando no se posean los conocimientos necesarios
¿Principios? El primero es dar un valor al trabajo, saber que un jugador no puede depender de Dios, que no sé si existe, o de la naturaleza, debe depender de su propio esfuerzo. A partir de ahí, ha de ser capaz de aguantarse y metabolizar las situaciones adversas. También ha de saber que vencer resultará más fácil si es una persona educada y normal. Me muevo a partir de la lógica en los entrenamientos y las enseñanzas del tenis que, de alguna manera, son aplicables a la vida.
Algunos mueren de éxito, como Ronaldinho, que no tuvo interés en seguir haciendo bien su trabajo. A Rafael le hacen crecer la victoria y el miedo a la derrota, presente en cada partido. En cuanto baja un poco el nivel, están los demás.
A Rafael le gustaría tener a un tío menos duro de palabra que yo. Un entrenador ha de ser exigente, porque en caso contrario cuesta más trabajo que las cosas salgan. Hay que poner los cinco sentidos para que no haya un déficit de actitud.
Después del partido ante Fernando Verdasco en Australia y antes de la final con Federer, le dije “No esperes un milagro“. De ti depende que hagas el esfuerzo de tu vida. Difícilmente estarás otra vez tan cerca de ganar un título del Grand Slam. Puedes escucharme o no. Si me escuchas, tienes muchos números para perder, si no lo haces, los tienes todos”.

artículo de Toni Nadal en el diario El Mundo (24.05.2009)

Guardiola: liderazgo inteligente y efectivo

El líder del equipo...

Barça, un grande.

Grandioso. SE BUSCA ENTRADA PARA ROMA.

Como tú...

Así es mi vida,
piedra,
como tú. Como tú,
piedra pequeña;
como tú,
piedra ligera;
como tú,
canto que ruedas
por las calzadas
y por las veredas;
como tú,
guijarro humilde de las carreteras;
como tú,
que en días de tormenta
te hundes
en el cieno de la tierra
y luego
centelleas
bajo los cascos
y bajo las ruedas;
como tú, que no has servido
para ser ni piedra
de una lonja,
ni piedra de una audiencia,
ni piedra de un palacio,
ni piedra de una iglesia;
como tú,
piedra aventurera;
como tú,
que tal vez estás hecha
sólo para una honda,
piedra pequeña
y
ligera.

León Felipe, poeta del fuego prometeico y Quijote del exilio, nacido en Tábara, Zamora, como mi abuela.
Con cierta des-facha-tez, fue citado por el impávido Federico Trillo y Figueroa en su última interpelación a Francisco Caamaño, en su primera comparecencia tras ser nombrado Ministro de Justicia. Lo que hay que oír.

Un buen directo?

El jueves 5 de marzo en el círculo de Bellas Artes. 22h.

Veremos...

Russian Red

Definitivamente se trata de un disco brutal

Larga vida a Russian RED

3.327.801 parados

La Opinión de Gabilondo en Cuatro.

3 de febrero 2009

"El paro no corre, vuela. Y, junto al drama, se ha instalado un fatalismo paralizante: "es lo que hay, estamos bajo una nube negra que oscurece los cielos de todo el mundo; ya pasara". Este es el pensamiento dominante, del que se derivan las preguntas que se hacen tanto el Gobierno como la oposición y, con ellos, la sociedad. ¿Cuánto durará, cuando saldremos, cuando volveremos a la normalidad?. Pero son preguntas equivocadas. Porque no pasará, no regresaremos. Una década como la que hemos dejado atrás ya se ha evaporado, hasta que la desmemoria de una nueva generación le haga repetir los disparates. Lo que nos espera será distinto. Y, desde luego, no está escrito. No nos paralicemos con otro fatalismo. No está escrito. Y puede ser mejor, más justo, más lógico, más sensato. Pero hay que empezar a escribirlo ya. Nuestro Gobierno, descolocado y abrumado por la magnitud de lo que ocurre, se está dejando la vida y los euros en medidas paliativas. Y, coherente con su ideario político, exhibiendo sensibilidad social. Pero está respondiendo a las preguntas equivocadas. Actúa a la espera de que pase la nube negra y volvamos a donde estábamos. Por eso, porque cree que todo se resume en resistir, apretar los dientes y el cinturón, Zapatero sostiene a un Solbes exhausto y a un Sebastián errático en la cúpula de su equipo económico. Desde nuestro punto de vista debería dar un enérgico golpe de timón y cambiar el rumbo. Con otra tripulación, desde luego. Cuando el calendario electoral se lo permita, ni un día después, ha de soltar lastre y agrupar un nuevo núcleo duro, con gente capaz de mirar lejos y embarcarse en una aventura de nuevo aliento. A toda maquina hacia el futuro. Y el primer paso hacia ese futuro debería ser político. Reagrupar toda la energía que se está dispersando en un entendimiento minúsculo del estado autonómico y revitalizar el espíritu colectivo. Porque España no es una competencia del Gobierno central. Conseguir que todos seamos todos va a ser imprescindible."

http://www.cuatro.com/videos/index.html?xref=20090203ctoultpro_24.Ves&view=baja

Bolivia y el siglo XXI

Bolivia has lithium, and the president intends to make world pay for it
By Simon Romero
Monday, February 2, 2009
UYUNI, Bolivia: In the rush to build the next generation of hybrid or electric cars, a sobering fact confronts both automakers and governments seeking to lower their reliance on foreign oil: almost half of the world's lithium, the mineral needed to power the vehicles, is found here in Bolivia - a country that may not be willing to surrender it so easily.
Japanese and European companies are busily trying to strike deals to tap the resource, but a nationalist sentiment is building quickly in the government of President Evo Morales, an ardent critic of the United States who has already nationalized Bolivia's oil and natural gas industries.
For now, the government talks of closely controlling the lithium itself and keeping foreigners at bay. Adding to the pressure, indigenous groups here in the remote salt desert where the mineral lies are pushing for a share in the eventual bounty.
"We know that Bolivia can become the Saudi Arabia of lithium," said Francisco Quisbert, 64, the leader of Frutcas, a group of salt gatherers and quinoa farmers on the edge of Salar de Uyuni, the largest salt flat in the world. "We are poor, but we are not stupid peasants," he said. "The lithium may be Bolivia's, but it is also our property."
The new Constitution that Morales managed to pass handily last month bolsters such claims. One of its provisions could give Indians control over the natural resources in their territory, strengthening their ability to win concessions from the authorities and private companies, or even block mining projects.
None of this is dampening efforts by foreigners, including the Japanese conglomerates Mitsubishi and Sumitomo and a group led by a French industrialist, Vincent Bolloré. In recent months all three have sent representatives to La Paz, the capital, to meet with Morales's government to gain access to the lithium, a critical component for the batteries that power cars and other electronics.
"There are salt lakes in Chile and Argentina, and a promising lithium deposit in Tibet, but the prize is clearly in Bolivia," Oji Baba, an executive in Mitsubishi's Base Metals Unit, said in an interview in La Paz. "If we want to be a force in the next wave of automobiles and the batteries that power them, then we must be here."
Mitsubishi is not alone in planning to produce cars using lithium-ion batteries. Ailing carmakers in the United States are pinning their hopes on lithium, including General Motors, which next year plans to roll out its Volt, a car using a lithium-ion battery along with a gas engine. Nissan, Ford and BMW, among other carmakers, have similar projects.
Demand for lithium, long used in small amounts in mood-stabilizing drugs and thermonuclear weapons, has climbed as makers of batteries for BlackBerrys and other electronic devices use the mineral. But the automotive industry holds the biggest untapped potential for lithium, analysts say. Since it weighs less than nickel, also used in batteries, it would allow electric cars to store more energy and drive longer distances.
With governments, including the Obama administration, seeking to increase fuel efficiency and reduce their dependence on imported oil, private companies are focusing their attention on this desolate corner of the Andes, where Quechua-speaking Indians subsist on the remains of an ancient inland sea by bartering the salt they carry out on llama caravans.
The U.S. Geological Survey says 5.4 million tons of lithium could eventually be extracted in Bolivia, compared with 3 million in Chile, 1.1 million in China and just 410,000 in the United States. Independent geologists estimate that Bolivia might have even more lithium at Uyuni and its other salt deserts, though high altitudes could make producing the mineral difficult.
Amid such potential, foreigners seeking to tap Bolivia's lithium reserves must navigate the policies of Morales, 49, who has clashed repeatedly with American, European and even South American investors. Morales shocked neighboring Brazil, with whose government he is on friendly terms, by nationalizing its natural gas projects here in 2006 and seeking a sharp rise in prices. He carried out his latest nationalization before the vote on the Constitution, sending soldiers to occupy the operations of British oil giant BP.
At the La Paz headquarters of Comibol, the state agency that oversees mining projects, Morales's vision of combining socialism with advocacy for Bolivia's Indians is prominently on display. Copies of Cambio, a new state-controlled daily newspaper, are available in the lobby while posters of Che Guevara, the leftist icon killed in Bolivia in 1967, grace the entrance to Comibol's offices.
"The previous imperialist model of exploitation of our natural resources will never be repeated in Bolivia," said Saúl Villegas, head of evaporates, a division in Comibol that oversees lithium extraction. "Maybe there could be the possibility of foreigners accepted as minority partners, or better yet, as our clients."
To that end, Comibol is investing about $6 million in a small plant near the village of Rio Grande on the edge of Salar de Uyuni, where it hopes to begin Bolivia's first industrial-scale effort to mine lithium from the white, moonlike landscape of the Salar and process it into carbonate for batteries. Morales wants the plant finished by the end of this year.
Workers here were in a frenzy to meet that goal during late January, laboring under the sun around half-finished walls of brick. Over a meal of llama stew and a Pepsi, Marcelo Castro, 48, the manager overseeing the project, explained that along with processing lithium the plant had another objective.
"Of course, lithium is the mineral that will lead us to the post-petroleum era," said Castro. "But in order to go down that road, we must raise the revolutionary consciousness of our people, starting on the floor of this very factory."
Beyond the tiny plant, lithium analysts say Bolivia, one of Latin America's least-developed nations, needs to be investing hundreds of millions of dollars to start producing carbonate. But with economic growth slowing and a decline in oil prices limiting the reach of its top patron, Venezuela, it remains unclear how Bolivia can achieve this on its own.
Even though Morales seized control of oil and natural gas projects, optimistic industry analysts point out that he allowed some foreign companies to remain in the country as minority partners.
Lithium mining in Bolivia has its own history. In the early 1990s, nationalist opposition reportedly led by Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, a wealthy holder of mining concessions who later became Bolivia's president, thwarted a plan by Lithco, an American company, to tap the lithium deposits here. That history, coupled with Morales's current tensions with Washington, might help explain why American companies appear to be on the sidelines as others seek lithium deals here.
Sánchez de Lozada was ultimately forced to resign as president in 2003 after Morales led protests against his efforts to export another natural resource, natural gas, with the help of foreign capital.
As Bolivia ponders how to tap its lithium, nations with smaller reserves are stepping up. China has emerged as a top lithium producer, tapping reserves found in a Tibetan salt flat. But geologists and economists are debating whether the lithium reserves outside of Bolivia are enough to meet the climbing global demand.
"We have the most magnificent lithium reserves on the planet, but if we don't step into the race now we will lose this chance," said Juan Carlos Zuleta, an economist in La Paz. "The market will find other solutions for the world's battery needs."
On the flat salt desert of Uyuni, such debate seems remote to those still laboring as their ancestors did, scraping salt off ground into the cone-shaped piles that line the horizon like some geometric mirage. The lithium found under the surface of this desert seems even more remote for these 21st-century salt gatherers.
"I've heard of the lithium, but I only hope it creates work for us," said Pedro Camata, 19, his face shielded from the unforgiving sun by a ski mask; cheap sunglasses covered his eyes. "Without work out here, one is dead."

Sin acritud

Por culpa del tabaco
CARMELO ENCINAS, EL PAIS 31/01/2009

Mi rechazo al tabaco empieza a preocuparme. Siempre se ha dicho que los conversos suelen ser los más radicales y yo fumé aunque, en honor a la verdad, nunca fui un fumador empedernido. Del tabaco en realidad lo que me gustaba era su liturgia y sociabilidad. Por eso ahora que veo al personal subiendo y bajando para salir a la calle a echarse un cigarro a toda prisa y tiritando de frío me cuesta tanto comprenderles. Mis pitillos eran la ceremonia tras el desayuno o la comida, el protocolo al comenzar una conversación o arrancar un paseo o en el glorioso desparrame sobre el sofá.

Yo pensaba que cada calada había de ser sublime y que cada cigarrillo debía tener una razón de ser. Será probablemente una gilipollez como otra cualquiera pero me permitió gozar del tabaco sin machacar los pulmones. Cuando noté que esa glamurosa ceremonia empezaba a perjudicarme no tuvo que venir ningún presidente de Gobierno ni ministro de Sanidad alguno a recomendarme que lo dejara, lo dejé y hasta hoy. Ahora he de reconocer que me molesta profundamente el humo del tabaco y que mantengo una batalla interior para no convertirme en un talibán.

Después de sufrir durante años esas reuniones de trabajo en las que los fumadores convulsivos imponían el humo manu militari aunque fueras asmático o padecieras una sinusitis de caballo, ahora que está prohibido trato de ser condescendiente con quienes fuman en un espacio privado. En teoría cuando estás en un lugar cerrado no sometido a regulación lo de fumar queda bajo las normas de buena educación y en este ámbito, por aquello de que no se sientan acosados, estamos cediendo más los no fumadores.

Cuando en una reunión de amigos o conocidos alguien dice eso de "os molesta que fume" nadie suele asumir el riesgo de quedar como un borde diciendo que efectivamente molesta. Detrás de él irá algún otro fumador y lo habitual es que no vuelvan a pedir permiso para encender otro cigarro, aunque ya la atmósfera sea irrespirable. Lo mismo ocurre cuando vas con un grupo a un restaurante y uno pide que les pongan en la zona de fumadores. ¿Quién asume el mal rollo de llevarle la contraria?

El fumador reina por derecho en los bares, discotecas y garitos de copas y allí el que tenga problemas con el humo debe darse humildemente por jodido. Y es que, a pesar de que los fumadores según las estadísticas, son minoría, la noche madrileña apenas cuenta con un solo espacio donde puedas bailar, escuchar música o tomar una copa sin que a los 10 minutos te apeste la ropa a chamusquina. Esto es algo que nos tragamos estoicamente porque la alternativa es quedarse en casa y "no fumador", por mucho que las tabacaleras se empeñen, no es sinónimo de coñazo.

Por fortuna hay gente que fuma que cada vez es más respetuosa, aunque haya elementos permanentemente dispuestos a poner a prueba los temperamentos más templados. Es el caso de un vecino mío que tiene a bien encender su primer cigarrillo del día en el ascensor. Por sus modales y su cara de bruto deduzco que cualquier indicación que le hiciera al respecto terminaría con mis huesos en las urgencias hospitalarias. Lo que hago es tragar y mantener intacta la integridad física. Si seré bueno que ni siquiera le deseo el enfisema pulmonar que merece. Para las empresas la tolerancia con los fumadores empieza a ser un problema preocupante.

Tras la prohibición de fumar en lugares públicos y centros de trabajo se ha instaurado el hábito de abandonar cada dos por tres el puesto de trabajo para inhalar su dosis de nicotina. No hay más que darse una vuelta por la Gran Vía y ver a la gente que hay fumando en las puertas y portales para imaginar las horas de trabajo que se pierden atendiendo la adicción. Conozco un caradura que nunca ha fumado y ahora de cuando en cuando se baja a la calle y enciende un cigarro con tal de abrirse un rato. Algún orden habrá que poner al asunto. Curiosamente, mis esfuerzos por ser tolerante donde fracasan estrepitosamente es ante un gesto muy extendido entre los fumadores.

Por alguna razón que ignoro la inmensa mayoría de ellos tira displicentemente el cigarro en estado terminal a la calle como si las colillas no ensuciaran las aceras. Da igual que acabe de pasar la barredora y el pavimento esté como la patena, la colilla humeante irá al suelo contribuyendo a convertir Madrid en un inmenso cenicero. Reconozco que esa actitud me saca de quicio. Yo les llamo guarros para mis adentros, pero un día se me va a escapar en voz alta y la tendremos. Acabaré en comisaría con un ojo hinchado y acusado encima de intolerante. Lo mío es preocupante.

el mejor TV show

Podían haberse ahorrado el gasto

President Obama was re-administered the oath of office on Wednesday evening by Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr., one day after the two men stumbled over each other’s words during the inauguration.
The president and the chief justice stood in the Map Room of the White House at 7:35 p.m. as they took a second run at the constitutional oath. A handful of advisers watched the proceeding, which lasted about 25 seconds.
“Are you ready to take the oath?” Mr. Roberts said.
“I am,” Mr. Obama replied. “And we’re going to do it very slowly.”

Obama On The Right Track (despite his mistaken oath)

My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the fainthearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act -- not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control -- and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus -- and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Inauguration Week

Remarks of President-Elect Barack ObamaRadio Address on Inauguration Week

January 17, 2009
Good morning. On Tuesday, the world will be watching as America celebrates a rite that goes to the heart of our greatness as a nation. For the forty-third time, we will execute the peaceful transfer of power from one President to the next.
The first Inauguration took place 220 years ago. Our nation’s capital had yet to be built, so President George Washington took the oath of office in New York City. It was a spring day, just over a decade after the birth of our nation, as Washington assumed the new office that he would do so much to shape, and swore an oath to the Constitution that guides us to this very day.
Since then, Inaugurations have taken place during times of war and peace; in Depression and prosperity. Our democracy has undergone many changes, and our people have taken many steps in pursuit of a more perfect union. What has always endured is this peaceful and orderly transition of power.
For us, it is easy to take this central aspect of our democracy for granted. But we must remember that our nation was founded at a time of Kings and Queens, and even today billions of people around the world cannot imagine their leaders giving up power without strife or bloodshed.
Through the ages, many have struggled for the right to live in a land where power does not belong to one person or party, and many brave Americans have fought and died to help advance that right. Through the long twilight struggle of the Cold War, our transitions from one President to the next provided a stark contrast to the suffocating grip of Soviet Communism. And today, the resilience of our democracy stands in opposition to the extremists who would tear it down.
Here at home, transitions also remind us that what we hold in common as Americans far outweighs our political differences. Throughout the current transition, President Bush and his Administration have extended the hand of cooperation, and provided invaluable assistance to my team as we prepare to hit the ground running on January 20th.
There is much work to be done. But now, all Americans hold within our hands the promise of a new beginning.
That is why the events of the next several days are not simply about the inauguration of an American President – they will be a celebration of the American people. We will carry the voices of ordinary Americans to Washington. We will invite people across the country to work on behalf of a common purpose through a national day of service on Monday. And we will have the most open and accessible Inauguration in history – for those who travel to the capital, and for those who choose one of the many ways to participate in the Inauguration from their own communities and their own homes.
Together, we know that this is a time of great challenge for the American people. Difficult days are upon us, and even more difficult days lie ahead. Our nation is at war. Our economy is in great turmoil. And there is so much work that must be done to restore peace and advance prosperity. But as we approach this time-honored American tradition, we are reminded that our challenges can be met if we summon the spirit that has sustained our democracy since George Washington took the first oath of office.
Addressing the nation that day, Washington explained his decision to serve, saying, “I was called by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love.” This Tuesday, we can reaffirm our own veneration and love for our country and our democracy. We can once again provide an example to the world, and move forward with a renewed sense of purpose and progress at home.
Thanks.

MORIR EN GAZA

Es imprescindible la lectura del artículo de Mario Vargas Llosa, publicado hoy por El País. He aquí un extracto.

Me pregunto si algún país en el mundo hubiera podido progresar y modernizarse en las condiciones atroces de existencia de la gente de Gaza. Nadie me lo ha contado, no soy víctima de ningún prejuicio contra Israel, un país que siempre defendí, y sobre todo cuando era víctima de una campaña internacional orquestada por Moscú que apoyaba toda la izquierda latinoamericana. Yo lo he visto con mis propios ojos. Y me he sentido asqueado y sublevado por la miseria atroz, indescriptible, en que languidecen, sin trabajo, sin futuro, sin espacio vital, en las cuevas estrechas e inmundas de los campos de refugiados o en esas ciudades atestadas y cubiertas por las basuras, donde se pasean las ratas a la vista y paciencia de los transeúntes, esas familias palestinas condenadas sólo a vegetar, a esperar que la muerte venga a poner fin a esa existencia sin esperanza, de absoluta inhumanidad, que es la suya. Son esos pobres infelices, niños y viejos y jóvenes, privados ya de todo lo que hace humana la vida, condenados a una agonía tan injusta y tan larval como la de los judíos en los guetos de la Europa nazi, los que ahora están siendo masacrados por los cazas y los tanques de Israel, sin que ello sirva para acercar un milímetro la ansiada paz. Por el contrario, los cadáveres y ríos de sangre de estos días sólo servirán para alejarla y levantar nuevos obstáculos y sembrar más resentimiento y rabia en el camino de la negociación.

Para leerlo entero:

http://www.elpais.com/articulo/opinion/Morir/Gaza/elpepuopi/20090111elpepiopi_11/Tes

El retorno de Blair

A ceasefire in the Gaza Strip is attainable within days if the smuggling routes which supply arms and money to Hamas can be shut down, international envoy Tony Blair said today.

Mr Blair, who yesterday spoke to Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, told BBC Radio 4's today programme: "There are circumstances in which we could get an immediate ceasefire, and that is what people want to see. These circumstances focus very much around clear action to cut off the supply of arms and money through the tunnels that go from Egypt into Gaza. I think if there were strong, clear, definitive action on that, that gives us the best context to give us an immediate ceasefire and start to change this situation. From my conversations, not just with Tzipi Livni but the Israeli Prime Minister and Defence Minister and others, I think that is the one basis on which we could bring a quick halt to this. Otherwise, I think we are in for a protracted campaign."

It was "difficult to judge" whether Hamas was ready to take the necessary steps to end the violence, said Mr Blair. But he added: "I hope so, because if they truly do care about the people in Gaza, there is a possible way through this which would have an immediate halt and cessation of hostilities, and that is obviously what any responsible person should try to achieve... ".

"The question is, can this be put together in such a way that we get the immediate ceasefire that people want to see and then we have to address the longer-term question of how we get Palestinian unity."
Mr Blair said he had made representations to the Israeli authorities about access for humanitarian supplies to Gaza. He said: "For anyone living in Gaza, it is hell, it is bound to be. You are in a situation where you are in an effective war zone. "It is not a very large piece of territory, it is one of the most densely populated areas in the world. Hamas positions are well dug in actually inside the civilian population, so the notion that having a war going on around Gaza is going to be anything other than a humanitarian catastrophe is absurd, obviously."
Mr Blair urged incoming US President Barack Obama to engage with the Middle East peace process as soon as he is inaugurated on January 20. "The most important thing for the new administration is to grip this, focus on it," he said.
"It is in my view absolutely central to the security not just of this part of the world, but all the world. We have got to grip it and sort it and if we do that with the requisite dedication and energy and commitment, we can resolve it."

Continuará...